A Thoughtful View From CATO

Gerald O’Driscoll writes in the Wall Street Journal (22 April) “CATO Blasts Mercantilism” and reproduced in part in Right Side News Blog:
HERE

‘Free markets depend on truth telling. Prices must reflect the valuations of consumers; interest rates must be reliable guides to entrepreneurs allocating capital across time; and a firm's accounts must reflect the true value of the business. Rather than truth telling, we are becoming an economy of liars. The cause is straightforward: crony capitalism. ... If we want to restore our economic freedom and recover the wonderfully productive free market, we must restore truth-telling on markets. That means the end to price-distorting subsidies, which include artificially low interest rates. No one admits to preferring crony capitalism, but an expansive regulatory state undergirds it in practice. Piling on more rules and statutes will not produce something different than it has in the past. Reliance on affirmative principles of truth-telling in accounting statements and a duty of care would be preferable. Deregulation is not some kind of libertarian mantra but an absolute necessity if we are to exit crony capitalism.

If we had any quibble with this article it would be, first of all, along the lines of the utilization of the term "crony capitalism." It seems to us that another term, historically more precise, would be mercantilism. In America, those who regularly deal in sociopolitical terminology seem determined to substitute their own words for words that already available. We don't understand why this is necessary. Somehow, for instance, America lost sight of what "liberal" meant in Europe; thus to use the term "classical liberal" in America often needs an explanation now…

… Likewise, "crony capitalism" may have more of a meaning in America than Europe, though mercantilism has considerable potency in our opinion. We read this in the Library of Economics and Liberty: "In contrast to the agricultural system of the physiocrats or the laissez-faire of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the mercantile system served the interests of merchants and producers such as the British East India Company, whose activities were protected or encouraged by the state." …
… Indeed, the process of mercantilism advantages some private interests over others. The United States, like Europe, has been moving toward a full-blown mercantilist-style system for some time now. Perhaps the system could be termed neo-mercantilism. It doesn't have all the formal elements of mercantilism (as regards government accrual of gold bullion, etc.) but it certainly has supported a strong relationship between a favored business class and the government itself. …

… The problem with such approaches, of course, (from a purely anarcho-capitalist point of view) is that one needs an "enforcer" to ensure that such concepts are properly adhered to, and almost inevitably one may end up with a regulatory authority once again. It would seem, therefore, based on this article and similar rhetoric - especially from CATO which seems to espouse "reasonable" libertarianism - that there is still, even within American libertarian circles, an impulse to distrust markets themselves, and their inherent disciplinary abilities. We would like to offer up the idea that the Invisible Hand itself is a formidable disciplinary device. Wouldn't a company that consistently misleads customers or investors run itself out of business - regardless of whether it was under an affirmative obligation to exercise a duty of care?’

Comment
G. P. O’Driscoll, jr, is the author/editor, 1979, of Adam Smith and Modern Political Economy, Ames. IA: Iowa State University Press.

This long article (follow the link) is quite refreshing and suggests that some new thinking is underway at the Cato Institute (a libertarian think tank) about the status of modern US capitalism.

I have long argued that mercantile political economy did not disappear after Adam Smith; it continued, after the loss of the British colonies in North America, in the Caribbean, Canada, India, South Africa (later most of Africa), in the North Pacific, and Australia and New Zealand. As Britain’s first empire fell away (George III would not compromise on anything, so he lost everything), its second empire grew in strength until full-blown colonialism was back in force. Coinciding with the growth of the modern state – still small by today’s standards – mercantile interests were back in business, so to speak, of which ‘crony capitalism’ is a very American alliteration.

I am not taken with the idea of the ‘invisible-hand’ as a ‘formidable disciplinary device’. How and with what means would a metaphor (for what?) exercise self-discipline? Asking if a company whether a ‘company that consistently misleads customers or investors run itself out of business - regardless of whether it was under an affirmative obligation to exercise a duty of care, invites my not entirely cynical response of: ‘I doubt very much if it would!

Similarly I have little faith in regulation, which I agree, tends to self-proliferate once embarked upon both from ever inventive amendments to existing processes and unintended extensions of the regulations to fringe and peripheral areas to ‘plug gaps’ and ‘evasions’ in the interests of multiplying head counts among the regulators.

A Clear Understanding of Adam Smith in Huffington Post

Klunk posed in Can.politics an article written by David Sloan Wilson HERE

The original article is from Huffington Post HERE

“The Invisible Hand is Dead. Long Live (Smart) Regulation”

“The invisible hand metaphor originates with Adam Smith in The Wealth of 
Nations (1776). Bernard Mandeville made a similar point with his Fable of 
the Bees (1705), which fancifully describes human society as a wondrously 
productive bee hive, even though each bee is as selfish as can be.

Smith was critical of Mandeville and presented a more nuanced view of human 
nature in his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), but modern economic and 
political discourse is not about nuance. Rational choice theory takes the 
invisible hand metaphor literally by trying to explain the length and 
breadth of human behavior on the basis of individual utility maximization, 
which is fancy talk for the narrow pursuit of self-interest. For the general 
public, unfettered competition has been turned into a moral virtue and 
"regulation" has become a sin.”

…. For those who wish to learn more about how economics is going beyond rational choice theory, I recommend a book titled Moral Sentiments and Material Interests: The Foundations of Cooperation in Economic Life (2006), edited by Herbert Gintis, Samuel Bowles, Robert T. Boyd, and Ernst Fehr. Gintis, Bowles, and Fehr are eminent economists while Boyd is an eminent evolutionary anthropologist, illustrating how integrative the new economic theory has become. I have also written an essay titled "The New Fable of the Bees" that explores the theme of this blog in more detail.”

Comment
There is much more as well. David Sloan Wilson (professor of biology and anthropology at Binghamton University, part of the State University of New York) is pretty-well informed about Adam Smith and his actual writings (and Bernard Mandeville’s too; plus recent work by behavioural economsts) and I highly recommend that you follow the link. It’s a short lesson in Adam Smith’s legacy.

If I have a criticism, it is that David Sloan Wilson accepts the modern invention of the invisible hand by default but criticizes it on its phony merits. But what is a small blemish in a fine article?

NB. The Huffington Post appears to be pretty consistent recently in its appreciation of Adam Smith from Kirkcaldy, compared to the usual North American version of Adam Smith, ‘alive and well and living in Chicago’ (George Stigler, 1976).

Long may it continue!

At Last! Great Sense on the Current Crisis!

Dr Madsen Pirie, of the Adam Smith Institute (London) reports on an analysis of the current recession, written by Professor David Simpson: The recession – whodunit? (HERE)

A publication the Adam Smith Institute is particularly proud of is The Recession – Causes and Cures by Dr David Simpson. Dr Simpson was Economics professor at Strathclyde, and then economic advisor to Standard Life. His piece is short, eloquent, and utterly convincing. It forms a crucial part of our counter-attack on the facile but common notion that it was greedy bankers who brought about our downfall.

Not so. Dr Simpson methodically traces the bust's causes to the previous credit-fuelled boom instigated by governments and their central bankers. There were indeed bankers who made foolish (rather than greedy) decisions, and who read risks wrongly. But they did so amid a sea of cheap money which governments had flooded onto them. The asset-price bubbles (which are now bursting or deflating as markets correct the errors) resulted from interest rates deliberately kept too low for too long.

The best way to treat a bust is to avoid it altogether by not stoking up the antecedent boom, but given a bust, the treatment should be lower corporate and personal taxes. These should be financed by spending cuts, not by borrowing which signals future tax rises. And the policy-makers who oversaw this crisis should be replaced.

The book is a terrific read, and puts its whole case in fewer than 40 pages. It is both compelling and convincing. Do read it. (HERE)

[Disclosure: I am a Fellow of the Adam Smith Institute]

Markets and Morals

Mike Masnick writes on the market in techdirt (HERE):

“Free Market Capitalism, Moral Character And Doing Good All Work Hand In Hand” - from the can-we-get-over-this-already? Dept."

“I've never quite understood the complaints of some that free market capitalism somehow goes against morality or good deeds. As we've discussed in the past, moral questions shouldn't even come up at all in scenarios where everyone is better off. Moral questions only arise in scenarios where some are worse off and some are better off, and a decision needs to be made about who is worse off and who is better off. The nice thing about free market capitalism is that it tends to increase the overall pie, allowing a much larger number of people to be better off, and tends to do so in a more efficient manner than other systems…

… But, still, there are some who suddenly question whether or not the free market takes away a moral backbone -- but the only situations in which that would clearly be true are in cases of either outright fraud, or where you're dealing with a zero-sum game. In an economy that has the potential for growth, then one should encourage more growth to increase opportunities for everyone. There may be additional moral questions later concerning overall allocation, but increasing the wider opportunity, which is exactly what free market capitalism does, seems ridiculous to question.

In the end, it seems that some have this odd guilt associated with money -- as if because one person has made a lot of it that it somehow takes away from others. That's simply not true. Adam Smith, who wrote the original book on free market capitalism, The Wealth of Nations, only did so after first writing a book on morality, called The Theory of Moral Sentiment. Free market economics and morality go hand in hand. To think that they're mutually exclusive shows both a misunderstanding of morality and economics.”

Comment
I quoted from the piece because it encapsulates ideas that are going the rounds at present, though the confusion about ‘profit’ is of long lineage.

Wealth Of Nations is not about “free market capitalism”, except to those who have never read it.

It is critique of an 18th-century state-managed commercial society, governed by major landowners, and provides an historical analysis of how a growing commercial economy operates in that milieu.

The separate dates of their publication, Moral Sentiments, 1759, and Wealth of Nations, 1776, mislead many commentators, who are unaware that both of Smith’s books were based on his lectures on ‘Ethics’, ‘Rhetoric’ and ‘Jurisprudence’ to students at Glasgow University in the years 1751-64 (and previously mainly to University of Edinburgh students, off-campus in a winter series of public lectures from 1748-51).

Their main ideas were developed and delivered together (and definitely “go hand in hand”) to the same students each session [Adam Smith, Lectures in Jurisprudence, 1762-3, including ‘Early Draft of Wealth Of Nations’, 1763; Adam Smith, Lectures in Rhetoric and Belles Lettres 1763, Oxford University Press/ Liberty Fund].

Adam Smith wrote about how markets worked and was not confined to only writing about ‘free markets’. In fact, he criticized the French Physiocrats, whose economic models required and assumed ‘a state of perfect liberty’ (which nowhere existed, and certainly didn’t exist in absolutist France in the 1760s):

“Mr. Quesnai, who was himself a physician, and a very speculative physician, seems to have entertained a notion of the same kind concerning the political body, and to have imagined that it would thrive and prosper only under a certain precise regimen, the exact regimen of perfect liberty and perfect justice. He seems not to have considered that, in the political body, the natural effort which every man is continually making to better his own condition is a principle of preservation capable of preventing and correcting, in many respects, the bad effects of a political œconomy, in some degree, both partial and oppressive. Such a political œconomy, though it no doubt retards more or less, is not always capable of stopping altogether the natural progress of a nation towards wealth and prosperity, and still less of making it go backwards. If a nation could not prosper without the enjoyment of perfect liberty and perfect justice, there is not in the world a nation which could ever have prospered. In the political body, however, the wisdom of nature has fortunately made ample provision for remedying many of the bad effects of the folly and injustice of man, in the same manner as it has done in the natural body for remedying those of his sloth and intemperance.” [WN IV.ix.28: p 674; Canaan, ed 1937, Random House, p 638]

Smith did not write a treatise on a free-market economy; he did write on human behaviour – his theory of moral sentiments – but he had no illusions about the ‘perfectibility’ of men or society. He was no ideologue; no man with a mission to solve all problems.

He wrote frankly about ‘merchants and manufacturers’ (and the need never to legislate in their interests without the most careful scrutiny of their proposals), and about the limitations of the majority of the population (the labourers and their families), for as long as they remained uneducated (‘unless government take some pains to prevent it’ WN V.i.f.50: p 782), and about the landowners, who owned much and ran everything, and ‘like all other men’ (this part is often overlooked by those who quote the sentence), ‘love to reap where they never sowed’ [WN I.vi.8: p 67; Canaan ed. 1937 p 49, Random House].

Adam Smith was not writing about ‘free market capitalism’ and nothing that has happened to the governance and political economy of all societies, since his time, suggests that it would be worthwhile to pontificate on moral sentiments and modern markets as if something fundamental had changed.

People are no more nor less ‘moral’ than in Smith’s day (or in any other previous age or place) and economies are no ‘freer’ than they were in the 18th century.
If anything the State has grown from powerful governments into bigger and more powerful Governments, and they are susceptible, as they ever were, to the blandishments, false theories, and blatant sectional interests of powerful legislators and those who influence them.

That the discourse of public life is dominated by ideological assaults on the idea of freer markets, and the supposed blessings of ‘regulation’ by bureaucracies, instead of by the justice system, is a symptom of the misjudged tendency to blame markets, which are not free, for the failings from political interventions that are not capable.

Throwing good money after bad is a weakness of poor management; ever tighter regulation to cover the deficiencies of regulations that don’t work as intended is congenital to micro-regulators.

In business markets, incompetence is terminated by losses; in political regulation, incompetence is cushioned by the public purse.