Thursday, October 31, 2013
From
today’s (31 October) Stumbling and Mumbling Blog HERE
“Against
Forecasts”
“Karl
Marx: “the philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways: the
point, however, is to change it”
Adam Smith: “those
who are called philosophers or men of speculation, whose trade it is, not to do
any thing, but to observe everything; and who, upon that account, are often
capable of combining together the powers of the most distant and dissimilar
objects.” (WN Book 1, chapter 1, paragraph 9).
Comment
May I ask: of the
two approaches, which philosophy did the least material and human damage to the
world: the philosopher who interpreted it and tried to forcibly change it, or
the philosopher who observed everything and did nothing?”
Adam Smith on Self-Interests, Not Greed
The
“Butcher, Brewer, and Baker” quote is often used as the reference by those who
believe mistakenly that self-interest is a synonym for “greed”.
This
view reveals a total misunderstanding of what Adam Smith meant by “self
interest”.
In
fact, the very sentence quoted actually advises the customers of the “butcher,
brewer, and baker” on how to bargain with the said shopkeepers offering to sell
their meat, beer and bread:
“But man has
almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren, and it is in vain for
him to expect it from their benevolence only. He will be more likely to prevail if he can
interest their self–love in his favour, and shew them that it is for their own
advantage to do for him what he requires of them. Whoever offers to another a
bargain of any kind, proposes to do this. Give me that which I want, and you
shall have this which you want, is the meaning of every such offer; and it is
in this manner that we obtain from one another the far greater part of those
good offices which we stand in need of. It is not from the benevolence of the
butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their
regard to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity but
to their self–love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their
advantages” (Wealth Of Nations, Book 1, chapter 2, paragraph 2).
Greedy
self-interested customers who demanded that the sellers supply their meat, beer,
and bread at low prices for no other reason that they did not wish to pay the
price the greedy sellers demanded would go home hungry and the greedy sellers
would fail to sell anything.
Smith’s views
were clear: we are in “almost constant occasion for the help of[(our]brethren,
and it is in vain for [us] to expect it from their benevolence only. [We] will
be more likely to prevail if [we] can interest their self–love in [our] favour,
and shew them that it is for their own advantage to do for [us] what [we]
require of them”.
Of course the
same is true for solely self-interested greedy “butchers, brewers, and bakers”! They will prevail only if they “lower their” price demands
to what their customers “can go along with”. For both self-interested buyers and for self-interested
sellers they must mediate their self-interests to arrive at successful
transactions.
The process by
which they mediate their self-interests is by persuasion, as outlined by Adam
Smith in his “Theory of Moral Sentiments” and how that is best achieved in
negotiations or bargaining exchanges is explained in the sentence immediately
before the “butcher, beer, baker” example: “Whoever offers to another a bargain
of any kind, proposes to do this. Give me that which I want, and you shall have
this which you want, is the meaning of every such offer; and it is in this
manner that we obtain from one another the far greater part of those good
offices which we stand in need of.” (Wealth Of Nations, above).
I hope this is
made clear by tutors at Harvard University and that you also make it clear in
your classes too.
Greed is not
good! That is the opposite of what
Adam Smith taught.
Wednesday, October 30, 2013
Hitting the Bull's Eye With Uncanny Accuracy
Jag Bhalla posts (13
July) in Scientific American HERE
“Science’s Mobile
Army of Metaphors”
“Metaphors are our
shortest stories. They are economical explanations that shape our understanding
(itself a “mobile army of metaphors”).
But badly mixed metaphors from physics and biology animate economics, creating
“confusion’s masterpiece.” Another
Shakespearean phrase, “invisible hand,” is partially to blame.
Science’s
theories—its verifiable stories—also use metaphors. Some are loose analogies,
others formal models. Orthodox economics abuses both kinds, misapplying
oversimplified evolutionary ideas, like survival of the fittest, within an
ill-fitting framework from physics. Its conceptual skeleton is: rational self-interest in competitive markets, led by
an invisible hand, creates the best social equilibrium.
But, as I’ve
described, biological
and economic self interest are different. And what economists call rational can produce poor, sometimes even
self-undermining, results.
Adam Smith made
“invisible hand” famous. He first used the phrase in his History of Astronomy:
“nor was the
invisible hand of Jupiter…employed,” to mean that nothing
supernatural was needed to explain physical phenomena. Smith lectured on Shakespeare, and likely knew
the phrase from Macbeth (misdeeds are hidden by night’s “bloody and invisible hand”).
But “invisible
hand” emergent equilibria in economics, evolution, and physics are crucially
different. Self-organization—parts spontaneously creating ordered wholes—seems
“natural.” But it’s usually also dumb. Humans can do better.
Evolution’s
“invisible hand” story, typically sold as biology’s great “unregulated”
competitions (thereby ignoring
widespread cooperation) produces unintelligently designed results
and regularly delivers foreseeable disaster. Narrowly self-interested
competition in biology doesn’t guarantee efficient outcomes. And it can be as dumb as trees in economics. Social
coordination can be less wasteful and more productive, if intelligently done.
General
Equilibrium theory in economics was developed under the guidance of a
physicist, Josiah Gibbs, who Einstein called “the greatest
mind in American history”. Gibbs invented statistical mechanics to
describe the behavior of large ensembles, like gases. Its metaphoric appeal for
economics is obvious. However the “invisible hand” equilibria of physics emerge
from parts interacting with uniform predictable consistency. But people aren’t
like gas particles or biological billiard balls. We evolved
behavioral flexibility and complex interdependent variable reactions.
Newton’s science
is, metaphorically and fundamentally different than Darwin’s. Newton’s systems
have clockwork causality; they converge on mechanically calculable patterns.
Physicists have invented powerful mathematical tools for predicting their
development and specific results. But Darwin described an open, generative, and
divergent process with less predictable effects. Its general shape is
describable by the mathematical methods of physics, but its specific outcomes
aren’t so predictable (e.g. evolution, unlike anything in physics, needs game theory).
Evolution
gave us capacities for intelligence, foresight, and social coordination. With
these we can avoid the dangers of dumb “invisible hand” self-organization. It
fits not our nature to ignore them. Such sub-natural metaphors of human nature
exclude what’s best about us.”
Comment
There
is hardly anything I would disagree with this post in “Scientific
American”. It hits the bull’s eye
with uncanny accuracy.
I
would add what I hope is an helpful observation.
While
the use of the metaphor in Shakespeare’s MacBeth is correct, the history of the
“invisible hand” metaphor goes back much further to classical and medieval
times (See Emma Rothschild, “Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet and the
Enlightenment”, 2001, pp. 116-56, Harvard), and John Harrison, “Adam Smith and the
History of the Invisible Hand”, History of Ideas, 2010). The metaphor was widely used in
Smith’s times, often by preachers, using it theologically (including Hugh Blair,
a popular sermoniser, and close friend of Smith’s).
However,
the main thrust of Jag Bhalla’s column is
an excellent account of the use
of metaphors in science and highly relevant to Smith’s use of this particular
one (and its misplaced use by many modern economists).
Monday, October 28, 2013
Adam Smith Never Believed That "Greed is Good" and Economics Students Who Act As If They Should Be Greedy Are Woefully Misled By Their Tutors
Thomas Mucha, editor of Global Post, with an MA from Chicago, writes a
report on why “Economists are horrible, horrible
people. So says science”
“In short:
economists don't feel bad about acting in their self-interest because — well —
the economic theories tell them that they should be selfish.”
Comment
I wonder to what
extent this bold assertion is a product of Chicago economics, post-Samuelson,
who was a student there in the 1930s, and also the product of several decades
of advancing the theories of “self-interest” as being an endorsement of
“selfishness”? There are daily reports across the media and throughout academe
of direct statements to that affect from mainstream neoclassical economics,
complete with endorsements of this mistaken theory allegedly based upon the
writings of Adam Smith in Wealth Of Nations. The "Greed is Good" theme played well until recently and gave legitimacy to this tendentious and immoral, view of economics, even though credit as the source for such ideas belongs to Ayn Rand, and not to anything written by Adam Smith.
I accept the bold
treatment of the specific research among behavioural theorists, though I can
question, what in my view are the tendentious assertions made by neoclassical
economists often identified as the source of assertions lauding the unintended
benefits of selfishness. The claim that selfishness leads to public benefits (which
we can trace to a view advanced by Samuelson in 1948) is not found in Adam
Smith.
Empirically, the
high scores in the survey of current economics students that consistently
differ (marginally) from other students are certainly indicative of real
differences between them, either in their pre-dispositions in general attitudes
(causing some students to avoid the subject) and in their post-course, learned
differential dispositions from what they are taught (“maths makes economics a
hard science”).
I can think of
several causes of such dispositions, such as the need in modern neoclassical
courses for prior ability in maths to do well in the subject, lauded by proud
faculty as the necessary gateway to tenure and high, post-graduation salaries
in business. But if the
“selfish = self-interest” fallacy is embedded in the “hard science” presumption
then the supposed association reinforces the difference between the
participants in the survey.
However, the view
that ‘selfishness is consistent with Adam Smith on “self-interest”’ is
manifestly unwarranted and is not supported by anything that he wrote in any
edition of “Moral Sentiments” (1759) or in “Wealth Of Nations” (1776). If you think you know differently,
please feel free to post a comment to that affect.
The claim that Adam Smith ever said anything in praise
of “selfishness”, even in a pragmatic and regretful acceptance of it, is wholly
unwarranted. Unfortunately such
notions are widespread in US academe, particularly since Samuelson’s textbook,
“Economics: an analytical analysis”, was first published in 1948, p 36 (McGraw-Hill) and in its 19 editions to
2010 and was studied by 5 million students, few of them who read or thought
about Adam Smith. (See Kennedy, G. 2010.
“Paul Samuelson and the Invention of the Modern Economics of the Invisible
Hand”, History of Economic Ideas. Vol. xviii, no. 3, pp 105-19).
Sunday, October 27, 2013
Lonny Tunes no. 86
1
Timothy Prickett Morgan
[posts on The Register Here http://www.theregister.co.uk/2013/06/11/vmturbo_operations_manager_4/
“VMTurbo
is taking its economic scheduling engine, inspired by Adam Smith's
"invisible hand", to more clouds and more devices.
… Think of it as the invisible hand of Adam Smith,
finding the right price for a unit of capacity through laws of supply and
demand, and then using that data and a market of buyers who crave resources but
are limited by their budgets and service-level agreements to allocate
resources.”
2
Barry Ritholtz
asks HERE
“Why does the invisible hand want to slap you across the face? Because
it belongs to a douchebag, apparently.” Also HERE
3
“The invisible hand can't do the writing” - FXstreet.com (Sorry: Link Lost)
Friday, October 25, 2013
A Little Apparent Erudition Can Be Misleading
Saranya Kapur posts, surely tongue-in-cheek, non-sense: “Studying
Economics Can Turn You Into A Horrible Person” on Business Insider (Australia)
HERE
“Self-interest
motivates Adam Smith’s invisible hand, but economists may be taking it way too
seriously.
A blog post by Adam Grant in Psychology Today explores how economics majors are, on
average, awful human beings. Grant quotes a study by three Cornell professors which provides evidence that economists are
less charitable, more deceitful and less likely to be concerned with fairness.
From the post:
“Along with
directly learning about self-interest in the classroom, because selfish people
are attracted to economics, students end up surrounded by people who believe in
and act on the principle of self-interest. Extensive research shows that when
people gather in groups, they develop even more extreme beliefs than where they
started. Social psychologists call this group polarization. By spending time
with like-minded people, economics students may become convinced that
selfishness is widespread and rational ― or at least that giving is rare and
foolish.”
So it’s not
really the economists’ fault. Spending hours debating the pros and cons of an
economic theory will just do that to a person.”
Comment
Reading the cited reference HERE I found it hard
to recognise Adam Smith in Saranya Kapur’s presentation in her piece, though I have reservations
about the source quoted, which interestingly concludes:
“These observations do
not challenge the obvious importance of self-interest as a human motive. But
they do suggest the need for a richer model of human behavior, one that
explicitly recognizes that people who hold cooperative motives often come out
ahead”.
The modern idea of self-interest, particularly in the “selfish” mode, is
quite different from Adam Smith’s writings in both Moral Sentiments and Wealth
Of Nations to which I refer regularly on Lost Legacy.
See TMS and various references and accounts of how people conduct their discussions associated with the behaviour of persuasion as an essential
element of inter-personal relations and to WN I.ii in reference to Smith’s
original and still highly relevant ideas on bargaining.
Self-interest, to repeat a regular feature on Lost Legacy. Is not about
selfishness. The idea of economics
self-interest being about selfishness got widely repeated due to Paul Samuelson
conflating self-interest as selfishness in his now classic textbook,
“Economics: an analytical introduction” (McGraw-Hill, 1948), recently reaching
19 editions in 2010, the year that Samuelson died after a distinguished
academic career at the top of theoretical economics (winner of a Nobel Prize),
and crucially, as the first, and probably the best, modern economics textbook
author too.
Close to 5 million readers were introduced to economics using his
textbook (myself included in 1965) and his conflation of selfishness and self-interest
is now endemic and worse, it is not often examined, except regularly on Lost
Legacy, of course.
Thursday, October 24, 2013
'Max U' v Behavioural Economics
Jason Brennan
writes (23 October) “Extreme Austrian Apriorism as the No True Scotsman Fallacy” [Allegedly “the practice of wearing a kilt without undergarments”!!] (attracting 31 comments) on Bleeding Heart Libertarians HERE
Brennan writes:
“I was at a conference a few years ago on Austrian vs. Chicago-school
economics. Here’s a conversation I had with an Austrian economist, whom I won’t
name here. I’ll just call my interlocutor “Austrian Dude”.
Brennan: “What do you think of behavioral economics that purports to
show people often act irrationally in the market?”
Austrian Dude: “That doesn’t pose a problem for economics. Economics is
a priori.”
Brennan: “But doesn’t it show that people don’t often act in the way
your theory describes?”
Austrian Dude: “No. You see, there’s a difference between behavior and action. Action is defined as…[insert
a summary of Mises's “Human
Action” here]. But what Frank and others are describing is behavior, not action. Economics tells
us how human beings act, but behavioral economics is just describing behavior.”
Brennan: “… But this doesn’t save you from behavioral econ. Instead, it
leaves open, as an empirical question, whether actual human beings in the real
world are better described by your a priori theory of human action or by
behavioral economics. If your theory doesn’t account for actual human behavior
very well, then it’s impotent to defend real life markets, and you shouldn’t
advocate libertarianism in the real world on the basis of your Austrian
economics.”
In short, extreme apriorism ends up being a version of the No True
Scotsman Fallacy.
PS: I’m not here defending behavioral economics, nor am I taking a
stance on what follows from behavioral economics. (In fact, I think behavioral
economists tend to jump to policy implications in an intellectually lazy way.
See Frank’s embarrassingly
bad book The Darwin Economy
for a collection of nonsequiturs.)”
Comment
I cannot comment on the subtleties of Austrian Economics, parts of which
I agree with, other parts I do not, but it seems to me that “Austrian Dude”
makes much of a distinction without a difference and from the 31 comments to
the original post nothing much is clearer.
The basic issue is whether ‘action’ as described in the rational economist’s
model/ theory/ or whatever, represent the reality of what happens in an
economy. I remain suspicious that it does not. It matters because an “ought’ is not an ‘is’, and therefore
expecting the rational economist’s model to explain what is going on, as
opposed to what is supposed to happen in a ‘Max U-world’ is surely a triumph of
hope over experience. Worse,
betting real money on it - especially when it the money and livelihoods of
other mostly innocent people – is a recipe for a series of failures waiting to
happen.
Also I can only endorse Jason
Brennan’s comment on Frank H. Roberts “The
Darwin Economy: Liberty, Competition, and the Common Good, Princeton University Press.
Though I would focus on Frank's its criticism of Adam Smith, mainly for his interpretations of
Smith’s actual political economy, especially in respect of Smithian
‘self-interest’ and perhaps for not fully appreciating his moral philosophy,
but also for not really appreciating Darwinian evolution evidenced in his
parallel between social evolution of human behaviour and the far longer
time-scale of biological evolution of species (see HERE and HERE etc.,)
From Lost Legacy Archives, 2008
While Waiting for Dinner in an Edinburgh
Library …
I was early for a
dinner-discussion [on the renovation of Panmure House] last night with several
scholars [including Ian Ross, author the definitive biography of Adam Smith,
1975, 2nd ed. 2011, Oxford University Press; Chris Berry, editor of
the Handbook on Adam Smith, 2013, Oxford University Press; Craig Smith,
co-editor of the Handbook, 2013; each in their academic fields, highly
knowledgeable about the moral philosophy and political economy taught by Adam
Smith. Inevitably, while waiting, I scanned the crowded bookshelves, mainly of
18th and 19th century well-bound volumes of books related to Edinburgh.
I came across such
a 3-volume set and recognised the author as a friend of Adam Smith and the man
who replaced him, after he had delivered his series of private lectures,
sponsored by Henry Home, lawyer friend (later Lord Kames, a distinguished
Enlightenment author and Scottish judge) and James Oswald (a close friend and a
rising star in British politics at Westminster). These lectures were on several
subjects, including Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, delivered to a ‘respectable
auditory’ from 1748-51 in Edinburgh, from which Smith earned a fee of £100 per
winter term (not bad for an unemployed Glasgow and Oxford graduate - though no
trace of his actual formal graduation at either place is proven) - near to, but
not in or by him on the faculty of Edinburgh University [as recently
persistently claimed by people in the University]. His audience consisted
largely of that university’s students of law and theology, and the general
public. His lecture series established his academic reputation with the
professors at Glasgow [some of whom visited Edinburgh to hear them].
When Smith was
appointed a Professor of Logic at Glasgow University, he finished off that
winter’s lucrative lecture course, thus delaying the start of his Glasgow
lectures to the following winter term, and he handed over the lucrative private
lecture series and subjects to his friend, Hugh Blair, who was soon to commence
a successful career as a lecturer in Rhetoric at Edinburgh University (and who became
a popular Edinburgh Sunday preacher too). Blair asked Smith for his notes on
Rhetoric to get him started and Smith obliged.
Hugh Blair became
a popular lecturer at Edinburgh and he expanded Smith’s Rhetoric lectures,
making the subject his own, and they were published in 1827. They read well and
they are in a more polished style in comparison to the student notes of Smith
lectures under the same title. Few traces can be found of Smith’s original text
in his “Notes of Dr Smith’s Rhetorick
Lectures”, found in a manor-house sale in Aberdeenshire by John M.
Lothian (1896-1970) in 1961 (and published by him as Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres Delivered in the University of
Glasgow by Adam Smith, Reported by a Student in 1762-63 (Nelson, 1963).
These Notes were re-edited by J. C. Bryce (and A. S. Skinner) and published as Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres
for the Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence of Adam Smith by the
Oxford University Press in 1983 (Liberty Fund, 1985).
I opened Hugh
Blair’s three-volumes and out of curiousity looked them over, until the other
dinner guests arrived. Turning the pages, I became curious to see how he presented
his chapter on metaphors, a subject of great interest to me today because of
the elevation of Smith’s use of the invisible-hand metaphor into an invented
fantasy way, way beyond anything meant by Smith when he used the now famous
metaphor once only in each of Moral
Sentiments (1759), Wealth Of
Nations (1776) and (posthumous) in his History of Astronomy (1795).
I noted down some
sentences from Hugh Blair’s account, as below:
Hugh Blair, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres,
3 volumes, London. Vol. 1, Lecture XV: Metaphors:
Metaphors are:
“founded
entirely on the resemblance which one object bears to another … it is no other
than a comparison, expressed in an abridged form.
When
I say of some great minister ‘ upholds the state, like a pillar which supports
the weight of a whole edifice’, I fairly make a comparison; but when I say of
such a minister ‘that he is a pillar of the state’, it has now become a
metaphor. The comparison betwixt the minister and a pillar is made in the mind,
but it is expressed without any words that denote comparison. The comparison is
only insinuated, not expressed, the object is supposed to be so like the other,
without formally drawing the comparison; the name of one may be put in place of
the other” (pp 342-3).
This literary
explanation given by Hugh Blair of the role of metaphors corresponds well with
Adam Smith’s rougher spoken words, but clearly meant the same (as it still
would today).
See Adam Smith, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres,
Oxford University Press in 1983 (Liberty Fund, 1985), p 29.
[I re-publish
these on Lost Legacy today as they may be interest to recent readers.]
Wednesday, October 23, 2013
A Case of Entreprenurial Innovation
Of interest, perhaps,
to historians of economic thought in modern debates about entrepreneurial
innovation, Wayne Lewchuk authored this entry in the 0xford Dictionary of
National Bibliography (oxforddnb-lotd@oup.com)
showing early 20th-century attempts at mass production in the
nascent motorcar industry, then slowly developing in England at the Cowley,
Oxford.
Of particular interest
is the key role of the innovator-engineer aligned with an entrepreneurial a business
owner in conditions of a developing mass market for a new transport technology.
He writes:
“Frank George Woollard,
(1883-1957), developer of mass production, was born in London, the son of George
Woollard, general steward to a firm of private bankers, and his wife, Emily
Constance, nee Powell. He was educated at the City of London School and
Goldsmiths and Birkbeck colleges. Between 1900 and 1905 he was apprenticed to
Dugald Drummond with the London and South Western Railway (LSWR) at Eastleigh,
Hampshire. There he was exposed to two factors that would shape his future
career: he was involved in the design of an early motorized vehicle, the
Clarkson Steam Omnibus, and he also witnessed the introduction of a crude
assembly line in 1904 to manufacture all steel coaches. The cycle time on this
line was seven and one-third hours, a factor which encouraged Woollard later in
his career to consider flow production techniques in the British automobile
industry despite relatively short production runs.
… During the First
World War, he was responsible for the production of tank gearboxes, his first
exposure to producing large numbers of standardized products. After the war, he
supervised a contract to manufacture front and rear axles, and gearboxes for
the Morris Cowley. Production was reorganized along flow lines to meet Morris's
demands.
In 1923 Woollard left
Wrigley to become director and general manager of the engine branch of Morris
Motors Ltd. His first task was to reorganize the old Hotchkiss plant in Coventry.
With the use of flow production assembly techniques, within a year output
increased from 300 to 1200 engines per week. In early 1924 the machinery used
to manufacture engine blocks, the heaviest and most complex component of an
engine, was reorganized and placed in order according to the sequence of
individual operations. Initially, the machines were linked with hand conveyors
and workers manually pushed blocks between production stations. In late 1924 a
bold step was taken towards automated production with the introduction of a
hydraulic system which automatically moved blocks between stations, clamped
them into fixtures, and sequenced the machines.
Woollard had
appreciated that such a system offered advantages in the areas of planning and
co-ordination, and in the control of labour, giving management more authority
to set the pace of work. He believed that such control would be accepted by the
workforce if it was accompanied by rising living standards. At the time, this
was itself almost as radical a concept as the shift to automated production.
Woollard's innovative use of automatic transfer machinery had to be abandoned
because of failures in the electric, hydraulic, and pneumatic control
mechanisms. However, he paved the way for Ford to implement a similar system in
Detroit some twenty years later.”
Comment
Completely new
production technologies for new consumer products can create whole new products
(if successful in attracting consumer demand sufficient to attract capital and
an appropriate workforce at least minimally profitable prices).
Entrepreneurs who
identify and can exploit the means to supply such opportunities can thrive on
their vision, but ‘many are called but few are chosen’, as old-style preachers
used to warn their flock. The survivors come and go – think of the original computer
giants in early computing power like DEC, Digital and IBM, or the smaller firms
like Apple, Prime, Wang and also the many rivals to Microsoft.
Frank Woollard was in
the engineering-led, early motorcar manufacturing industry. He was also part of the beneficiaries
from increasing-returns of innovation in both manufacturing processes and in
product designs.
Nobody can plan dispersed
innovation, especially not those in government-led committees – while the are
sitting taking minutes of their meetings, the real world keeps turning and among the
countless dispersed entrepreneurs in markets some are thinking ‘outside the box’, as
they say. Some few of them restlessly seize what they believe are
opportunities, not just contemplating the ‘ifs’ of what they could have done, ‘if
only’.
They just do it!
That is
the power of markets in free societies, though not necessarily those with
utopian notions of so-called perfectly free-markets in Economics 101.
Saturday, October 19, 2013
Loony Tunes no 85
1
“Does Adam Smith’s invisible
hand = invisible penis?”
2
Hari Kondabolu posts HERE:
“The
invisible hand of the market, my
ass. That hand is white and wearing a ring with a conflict diamond on it.”
3
Progress Michigan (“Powering Progress Together”) “Republicans are scared of the invisible hand that feeds them” HERE
“What they
really need is for the invisible hand to slap some sense into them.”
Friday, October 18, 2013
Some Basic Economics from Tim Worstall
Tim Worstall does it again (as he often
does). His comments on the
economics of everyday discourse hit the target once again. He posts (18 October) this in the “Pin
Factory Blog” at the Adam Smith Institute HERE :
“In which we
catch the New Statesman being very silly”
The post leads with a photo of some demonstrators
with a large placard on which the message: “Don’t Cut Tax the Banks”.
The message is that health workers and others like
them produce useful services, while rich bankers are parasitic. Yet most people
employed in the banks are fairly lowly paid (my son is one of them), while
surgeons and top administrators in the NHS are well paid by any standard. Tim goes for the economic nonsense
supporting this attitude.
“Thus the value of banking is that we get to have
a banking system. The value of the NHS is that it (occasionally) cures more
people than it kills.** The value of Google is that we get to Google.
The value or contribution to us all of what people
are doing lies not in the taxes they pay and not even in either the profits
they make or the number of jobs they create. It is in the value to us of
consuming their production. Any other measure of value will inevitably lead to
the sort of nonsense that the New Statesman is peddling here.
Something that Adam Smith pointed out 237 years
ago when arguing that the correct labour theory of value is the one that
measures the value in use of something that has been produced: something we
would rather hope that people would have grasped after all of this time.”
Comment
The basic economics highlighted by Tim are a valuable
antidote to political posturing about some elements of financial trading behaviour
that got out of hand recently and for which the world’s economies are still
paying.
True, governments often spend taxation and
borrowed funds unwisely and State direct managed activities are congenitally
inefficient. I have experience of
both unwise ventures and inefficient activities.
The old Property Services Agency was one such that
was both. It used to be said by
users of the PSA’s services that if you wanted to find the most expensive way
to undertake any project, big or small, then the PSA never let you down, and it always took the longest time to deliver the finished project. A similar view applied to Direct
Labour departments employed in local councils – then they privatized them, often with
the same managements, and while some costs were cut (mainly in the excess labour
they employed) it took a while to change its bad habits. But that led to some corruption and favouritism scandals in
kick-backs from private contractors to some of the council people running them.
However, Tim is right: generally the value-added was still positive,
the more so when action was taken about the inherent defects of taxation and borrowing
misspending.
Adam Smith was
extremely sceptical about public spending being efficient and that was long before
government spending reached undreamt of levels of today.