Adam Smith On Self-Interest on How Humans Learn About Morality
Ralf Stern, a research professor at New York University’s Stern School of Business posts “Human Nature Needs to Be Back in Business” in The Economics Populist HERE
(originally published in The Washington Post).
“This view “of human
nature is largely absent in business, a world that believes almost entirely in
motivation through self-interest and even in the social good of self-interest.
This viewpoint was famously summarized
by Adam Smith:
‘It is not from the
benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our
dinner, but from their regard to their own interest.” [WN I.ii.2.2: 26-27]
Comment
Professor Stern’s
assertions, here, like several others in his post is unwarranted which it is a
common error by commentators on this particular paragraph. Self-interest was not seen by Smith as
a one-way street. If two individuals, such as a potential customer and a seller
of meat, beer, or bread, both acted on their self-interest alone how would they
resolve, say the customer’s self-interested preference for a lower price and
the seller’s self-interest in a higher price? Clearly they couldn’t unless one of them ‘gave in’ and
abandoned their original thoughts on the contents of their self-interests.
Many people see
transactions of buyers and sellers in precisely such a narrow manner. I regularly read anthropologists and
economists claiming that in bargaining there is a ‘winner’ and a ‘loser’,
allegedly measured by whose self-interest is satisfied the most, and worse,
that bargaining is all about such an interpretation. One such is David Graeber of “5,000 years of Debt”
fame, but there are many others.
Clearly a moment’s thought shows those ideas to be untrue and perverse,
and Adam Smith recognized that it wasn’t true, a few lines earlier in the same
paragraph, mostly unread by those convinced that ‘bargaining’, or rather their
caricature of it, is immoral and nasty.
“Bargaining”, said
Smith, was about exchanging successive proposals until one emerges that is
acceptable to both of them in the circumstances and the available information,
often in the precise form identified by Adam Smith as “Give me that which I
want, and you shall have this which you want” (WN I.ii.2. 26-7). In bargaining language this is the
conditional proposition (See my “Everything is Negotiable”, 4 editions,
popular-level paperback, or my more academic MBA course textbook,
“Negotiation”, Edinburgh Business School - which text is also sold separately, and 2nd hand – try Amazon or Google).
Smith in Moral
Sentiments describes the sub-process of bargaining as “persuasion”, the key to
understanding how different, even competing, self-interests are reconciled, and
he does so at several points throughout that book (see TMS I.i.4.5:21;
I.i.4.8:22; I.i.4.9-10:23; I.i.5.3 & 4:24; II.ii.3.2:86). This all boils down to the admonition
to achieve our self-interests by mediating them with others to gain the
co-operation of others.
[Ralf Stern]:
“Smith, however, was
also conscious of the power of altruism. He could have been describing
the scene in Boston when he wrote
in 1759:
The plaintive voice
of misery, when heard at a distance, will not allow us to be indifferent about
the person from whom it comes. As soon as it strikes our ear, it interests us
in his fortune, and, if continued, forces us almost involuntarily to fly to his
assistance.
Smith devoted a
book, “The Theory of
Moral Sentiments,” to explaining why widespread altruism is the
natural and unavoidable consequence of the human ability to empathize with
others.
Comment
I do not think “altruism”
is a helpful concept here. It is
not that humans are “altruistic” so much as they have survived as a species by
forms of leaned “co-operation” to hunt bigger and dangerous game amidst
dangerous rivals, certainly when group tracking, hunting, and dismembering with
selected or manufactured tools, became a necessary norm. Mutual dependence promoted the open
agenda of co-operation, not so much as an “inherent” altruism.
Later, through many
generations, co-operation was rooted socially and learned, as Smith showed in
TMS by new generations from what were the social norms prevalent in the group –
“the great school of self-command”, in the schoolyard, as Smith expressed
it. Groups that did not learn
those norms that worked in changing circumstances were eliminated by the brute
course of events, and as mutual co-operation passed on through tribal rituals
of male dominance of other males and all females, social evolution developed in
new directions, not all of them “progressive” in any modern sense. Individual megalomania could wipe out
group as could indecisiveness.
[Ralf Stern]:
“A century later,
Charles Darwin laid out a theory of natural selection based on the struggle for
individual survival. However, in “The Descent
of Man,” Darwin also described what we would call group selection: An
advancement in the standard of morality will certainly give an immense
advantage to one tribe over another. A tribe including many members who, from
possessing in a high degree the spirit of patriotism, fidelity, obedience,
courage and sympathy, were always ready to aid one another, and to sacrifice themselves
for the common good, would be victorious over most other tribes; and this would
be natural selection.”
Comment
Again this is rather
a romantic set of beliefs. Natural Selection is “blind” operating from the
“fitness” of individuals to survive and procreate. This can affect the group in
due course, but not automatically nor inevitably. I have discussed on Lost Legacy, Robert Franks version of
this in his book, “The Darwin Economy:
liberty, competition, and the common good” (Princeton
University Press, 2011) and
what he alleges Darwin meant by natural selection. I found his presentation of them wanting, especially how he
elaborated on his ideas in the widespread publicity his book achieved at the
time. Natural Selection normally takes many generations to
establish a new biological trait.
It begins with an individual and spreads among its successful progeny
with their advantage over other individuals not sharing the new, advantageous
trait. Franks cites the case of an
individual male reindeer having larger antlers than other reindeers, which
gives it an advantage in domination fights to mate with females and which may
enable it to sire more successful infants, which in turn continue their
successful dominance, raising average antler sizes, and gradually eliminating
smaller antler-sized animals in the succeeding generations.
The allegation by
Franks is that market competition, as understood by Smith, is less well suited
to explaining social changes than Darwin’s theory of natural selection, with a
side-bet that in 100 years future judgements as to which author, Smith or
Darwin, will be regarded as the best ‘economist’ (a wholly unverifiable outcome
among the present generation). Except,
of course, Smithian growth and Darwinian natural selection are not comparable
in such a manner.
Moreover, the idea
that “An advancement in the standard of morality will certainly give an immense
advantage to one tribe over another” is misleading. Whether a moral standard is an “advance” depends on the
process by which new generations learn and pass on existing mores from the
“mirror looking glass” and how it affects the group’s overall fitness to
survive in any circumstances it may face.
What is an “advance” in one era may become a serious impediment in
others as the environment changes, or new threats emerge, which some
individuals adapt to more quickly than others and change their behaviours more
successfully.
[Ralf asserts]: “An
unavoidable and perpetual war exists between honor, virtue, and duty, the
products of group selection, on one side; and selfishness, cowardice, and
hypocrisy, the products of individual selection, on the other.
Evolution has
produced two sides of human nature: the more self-centered and the more
altruistic. Different training and circumstances can bring out in us more
of one or the other, but they are both in our DNA.”
Comment
This what I called a
“romantic” view of Smith’s theory of moral sentiments. There are not “two sides” to “human
nature” (there are probably scores of sides and mixes. That designation is imposed by a convenient theory and not a
reality. Such categories of a
theory are not “in our DNA”, whatever that means, other than as a poor metaphor
for something unexplained. Each
individual learns from the other individuals around him or her, usually in
their childhood and youth. Smith
called it society’s “mirror”.
A lengthy quote from
Smith’s TMS may help:
“Were it possible that a human creature
could grow up to manhood in some solitary place, without any communication with
his own species, he could no more think of his own character, of the propriety
or demerit of his own sentiments and conduct, of the beauty or deformity of his
own mind, than of the beauty or deformity of his own face. All these are
objects which he cannot easily see, which naturally he does not look at, and
with regard to which he is provided with no mirror which can present them to
his view”. Bring him into society, and he is immediately provided with the
mirror which he wanted before. It is placed in the countenance and behaviour of
those he lives with, which always mark when they enter into, and when they
disapprove of his sentiments; and it is here that he first views the propriety
and impropriety of his own passions, the beauty and deformity of his own mind.
To a man who from his birth was a stranger to society, the objects of his
passions, the external bodies which either pleased or hurt him, would occupy
his whole attention. The passions themselves, the desires or aversions, the
joys or sorrows, which those objects excited, though of all things the most
immediately present to him, could scarce ever be the objects of his thoughts.
The idea of them could never interest him so much as to call upon his attentive
consideration. The consideration of his joy could in him excite no new joy, nor
that of his sorrow any new sorrow, though the consideration of the causes of
those passions might often excite both. Bring him into society, and all his own
passions will immediately become the causes of new passions. He will observe
that mankind approve of some of them, and are disgusted by others. He will be
elevated in the one case, and cast down in the other; his desires and
aversions, his joys and sorrows, will now often become the causes of new
desires and new aversions, new joys and new sorrows: they will now, therefore,
interest him deeply, and often call upon his most attentive consideration.
Our first
ideas of personal beauty and deformity, are drawn from the shape and appearance
of others, not from our own. We soon become sensible, however, that others
exercise the same criticism upon us. We are pleased when they approve of our
figure, and are disobliged when they seem to be disgusted. We become anxious to
know how far our appearance deserves either their blame or approbation. We
examine our persons limb by limb, and by placing ourselves before a
looking–glass, or by some such expedient, endeavour, as much as possible, to
view ourselves at the distance and with the eyes of other people. If, after
this examination, we are satisfied with our own appearance, we can more easily
support the most disadvantageous judgments of others. If, on the contrary, we
are sensible that we are the natural objects of distaste, every appearance of
their disapprobation mortifies us beyond all measure. A man who is tolerably
handsome, will allow you to laugh at any little irregularity in his person; but
all such jokes are commonly unsupportable to one who is really deformed. It is
evident, however, that we are anxious about our own beauty and deformity, only
upon account of its effect upon others. If we had no connexion with society, we
could be altogether indifferent about either.
In the
same manner our first moral criticisms are exercised upon the characters and
conduct of other people; and we are all very forward to observe how each of
these affects us. But we soon learn, that other people are equally frank with
regard to our own. We become anxious to know how far we deserve their censure
or applause, and whether to them we must necessarily appear those agreeable or
disagreeable creatures which they represent us. We begin, upon this account, to
examine our own passions and conduct, and to consider how these must appear to
them, by considering how they would appear to us if in their situation. We
suppose ourselves the spectators of our own behaviour, and endeavour to imagine
what effect it would, in this light, produce upon us. This is the only
looking–glass by which we can, in some measure, with the eyes of other people,
scrutinize the propriety of our own conduct. If in this view it pleases us, we
are tolerably satisfied. We can be more indifferent about the applause, and, in
some measure, despise the censure of the world secure that, however
misunderstood or misrepresented, we are the natural and proper objects of
approbation. On the contrary, if we are doubtful about it, we are often, upon
that very account, more anxious to gain their approbation, and, provided we
have not already, as they say, shaken hands with infamy, we are altogether
distracted at the thoughts of their censure, which then strikes us with double
severity (TMS III.1.3-4: 110)
Once again,
selection is “blind”; we do not have “inherent” behaviour sets within us, and
certainly not in our DNA. Our attitudes at any moment are the summation of what
we have learned is acceptable/non-acceptable to those with whom we socialise
and from what we have been exposed to around us. We are not born with our morals as a faculty planted there
by God, as Professor Francis Hutcheson taught his class, Adam Smith among
them. And Smith came to his own
conclusion and disagreed (politely) with his “never to be forgotten” teacher.
For these reasons I
have spent time and space discussing Ralf Stern’s views because in my view they
are at variance with his presentation of Adam Smith’s. There is more in Ralf’s paper,
but the above is enough for now.
2 Comments:
So, does your main claim state that humans are neither inherently altruistic nor selfish? or are they naturally selfish but not naturally altruistic?
Luis
Good question.
I used Adam Smith’s views to criticise Ralph Stern’s pronouncements about Smith’s.
Humans at birth are totally dependent on whomsoever feeds, cleans, and comforts them. They are born with inherited instincts with a capacity for minimal behavioural traits (compared to adults). They are also quick learners, responding to others close to them.
If they were abandoned their personality would be affected, even moulded.
Humans are neither inherently altruistic nor selfish – they have the capacity for both and all levels of mixtures of both. They learn both and can display behaviours from time to time that exhibit both (and many other traits), which in turn add to the richness of “society’s mirror”.
Remember, Smith was living in the 18th, and not the 21st century, when knowledge about socialisation was primitive.
Smith would describe certain behaviours as benevolent, rather than altruistic.
Gavin
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