Review of Promising New Book: "Reckoning with Markets: Moral Reflection in Economics"
James
Halteman and Edd Noell, Reckoning
with Markets: Moral Reflection in Economics. New York: Oxford University
Press, 2012. xvi + 218 pp. $35 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-0-19-976370-2.
Review published by
EH.Net (July 2012) [Copyright]
Reviewed for EH.Net
by J. Daniel Hammond, Department of Economics, Wake Forest University.
“In chapter 4 we
come to “Adam Smith and the Prospects for Moral Reflection in Enlightenment
Thinking.” This is the turning point in the story. Although the chapter title
is without a question mark, I take it to be something of a question, for the
authors understand Smith as conflicted. This conflict is not the “Adam Smith
problem,” i.e., reconciling the moral philosopher of The Theory of Moral Sentiments with
the economist of The Wealth of
Nations, but rather the conflict between the natural law of Smith’s
teacher Francis Hutcheson and the skepticism of his friend David Hume. The
chapter gives more attention to Theory
of Moral Sentiments than to Wealth of Nations. Halteman and Noell see Smith as a
transitional figure between the ancient and medieval vision of the natural
world and human life fraught with meaning and purpose and the mechanistic
vision of modern science. Smith sought to maintain a concern with the virtues
and moral life, but to do so largely outside the framework of Christian
doctrine, relying instead on Stoic philosophy. In this manner Smith was typical
of the Enlightenment desire to strip Christian doctrine away from classical
Greek and Roman philosophy, discarding the doctrine and retaining the
philosophy, thus undoing much of what the Scholastics had done.”….
In
chapter 5, “The Secularization of Political Economy,” we encounter other
classical and early neo-classical economists. Some, unlike Smith, had no moral
philosophy counterpart for their economics. They tended to perceive the economy
as naturalistic and deterministic. In Marx’s scientific materialism, as with
Bentham, Mill, and Jevons’s utilitarianism, we encounter new types of moral
reflection but on the whole less of it than with the Scholastics and Smith….
The authors are
moderately optimistic about the prospects for moral reflection in some of the
newer research programs discussed in chapter 8 such as the New Institutionalism
and economic psychology. And on the whole their reading of Adam Smith is
positive with respect to the potential for moderns to use Smith as a source for
reflection on morals and markets. I am afraid that I do not fully share their
optimism. My reading of their historical survey is that there has been a longer
and steeper decline in moral reflection in economics than they detect. The
decline may have begun with Adam Smith. It appears to me that a substantial
portion of what they present as moral reflection in economics from Smith on is
not in any deep sense moral reflection. Moreover, the new research programs in
which they find potential for moral reflection may depart from rational choice
methods, but they do not escape the bonds of value-free science. For example
work on the economics of cooperation and economic psychology may account for
the fact that people make decisions that are morally constrained. But this is
not the same as reflection and evaluation of the moral standards themselves. Neuroeconomics
and evolutionary psychology are materialistically reductionist, hardly rich
soil for moral reflection. The seeds of materialistic reductionism can be seen
in Adam Smith. Halteman and Noell interpret Smith as “downplaying anything that
looks like religious moral restraint” on behavior (p. 58). Regarding what Smith
considered the springs of human behavior they quote Joseph Cropsey.
"[N]ature provides man with imperfect perceptions of the tangible world,
with the inevitable result that he can reason only imperfectly concerning the
nature of things or what they really are. The faculty of reason leans upon an
aid which was prepared by nature to assist not reason but appetite,
specifically the appetite for life as such; and as a result, useful knowledge
but not real knowledge is the most that man can aspire to" (p. 59).
The view here is
that behavior is motivated by the appetites and passions. Moral restraint is
provided by three behavior screens: sympathy, the impartial spectator, and the
all-seeing judge. Smith sees sympathy as not being rational, but built-in and
involuntary. The back-stop for sympathy is the impartial spectator. This
ability to step outside of oneself into an impartial and well-informed
spectator is something humans have as part of their nature, but Smith is
agnostic about whether the spectator is real or imagined. The third screen, the
all-seeing judge, is the highest. There is mention by Smith of the common
belief in an afterlife, and therefore in eternal happiness or damnation. But
the important matter is not the veracity of this belief, but its effects on
behavior. That is, Christian theism contributes to the common good, whether the
Christian God exists or not. Moreover, in place of Christian doctrine Smith
drew on Stoic pantheism. Halteman and Noell summarize the grounds of Smith’s
moral philosophy thusly:
"Smith’s
ability to connect the developmental organic qualities of the Stoic view of the
world with the mechanistic ordered approach of the eighteenth-century
Enlightenment era provided a broad base on which he built his views. The notion
of moral progress in Stoicism, when blended with the Enlightenment ideas of
moral precepts, led Smith to his three-level approach to the moral socializing
of behavior. The ability to exercise sympathy and appropriate the impartial
spectator and, if need be, the final judge of our conduct can be seen as a
marriage of Stoic moral development and the secular virtue concepts of David
Hume" (pp. 74-75).
What is missing from
here on through the utilitarians, behaviorists, to the economic psychologists
and neuroeconomists, and the other human studies in the modern academy? In two
words: Imago Dei. If not created in the image of God, man is left as nothing
more than a clever animal. Clever animals do not engage in moral reflection.
J. Daniel Hammond is
Hultquist Family Professor, Department of Economics, Wake Forest University (hammond@wfu.edu). He is coeditor with
Steven G. Medema and John D. Singleton of Chicago Price Theory, Edward Elgar Publishing, forthcoming.
Comment
This review and the
book reviewed are timely contributions to an emerging new debate on morality and
markets, albeit in tune with the long-existing debate that occurred outside the
domain of economic theory, as it turned from political economy to ‘scientism’
in the 1870s, under the ambitious spell of the pursuit of mathematical
abstraction.
As mathematisation
progressed towards the full-blown neoclassical world, divorced from the reality
of how market processes operated, the discipline lost its relevance. Scholars looked to predicting the
future without understanding the past; reversing Adam Smith’s approach of
understanding how the present is a consequence of the past, and the future is
unknowable.
2 Comments:
The future is unknowable? That sounds like a bit of a Post Keynesian statement, Gavin Kennedy. (The Post Keynesians have been criticised for having a definition of uncertainty that essentially devolves into nihilism.)
Blue Aurora
We can try to explain the present with reference to history; we cannot predict the future with any degree of certainty, otherwise individuals might strive to alter it, making our predictions pointless.
We do not even agree on history.
Gavin
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